【www.0477edu.com--演讲稿】

A word that change the world

At the bottom of your heart, cry out freedom

About 4700 years ago ， our ancestor Huangdi created a new nation, in eastern Asia, from the Qin unification to the Revolution led by Sun Yat-sen in 1911,it has appeared a total of 83 Chinese dynasties。

1949, I think it is a special year that the people could never forget。Japan and Germany have announced Failure to the world. So I have questions.

But In 5,000 years, what makes China change,

In1945、what made the fascist fail

In the long time of the war，what supported the people to fight the dark。I think the answer is a belief ，a power which named freedom，freedom is a spiritual called hope, is a free spirit called resistance. But today，I want to know what the meaning it is for our young people?

eighty years ago, someone taught young: " sacrificing your personal

freedom is to seek free for your country!" But then，a person MR Hu Shih had told them : " fighting your personal freedom is the national freedom struggle！, fighting for your free personality, is the free for the country! "but Today, we have forget it。when we play basketball in the school yard，when we see a film at home, what do you think？, or“we are still young？”"there is have more time" if so，we have given up the chance to fight freedom for yourself。

A film 《a brave heart》

William Wallace said: Fight and you may die, run and you"ll live. At least a while. And dying in your beds many years from now, would you be willing to trade all the days from now to that for one chance, just one chance to come back here and tell your enemies that they can take our lives, but they"ll never take our freedom?!

As we are young ，I think the world is a big stage，we take the stage，we must try our best to show us no matter what happened。Yes, everyone will die, but not everyone really lives. Do you really live, or you

will die alone in the end of your life. So now, please don’t wait, please don’t waste the valuable time.

Please fight for your dream, please order your ideals, and from the bottom of your heart , please cry out "freedom".

中文翻译:

一个字，改变世界

在你的心脏底部，哭出来的自由

约4700年前，我们的祖先轩辕黄帝创建了一个新的国家，在亚洲东部，从秦统一于1911年由孙中山先生领导的革命，它一共出现了中国83个朝代。 1949年，我认为这是一个特殊的年份，人们永远也不会忘记，日本和德国已宣布失效的世界。所以，我有问题。

但在5000年，是什么让中国的变化，

In1945，是什么让法西斯的失败

在很长一段时间的战争，支持的人打暗。我认为答案应该是一种信念，一种力量，它命名为自由，自由是一种精神叫做希望的，是一个叫做电阻的自由精神。但是今天，我想知道是什么意思为我们的年轻人吗？

80年前，有人教年轻人：“牺牲你个人的自由是寻求免费为你的国家！”但是，然后，一个人问胡适曾告诉他们：“打你的个人自由是国家的自由而奋斗，争取你的自由个性，是自由的国家！”，但今天，我们忘了，当我们打篮球在学校的操场，当我们在家里看电影，你觉得呢？，或“我们都还年轻吗？”“有是有更多的时间”，如果这样，我们有加文up the的机会为自己争取自由。 一部电影“勇敢的心”

威廉·华莱士说：“战斗，你可能会死，运行，你会生活。至少有一段时间。多年后死在床上，你会愿意交易从现在开始，所有的日子，去换一个机会，就一个机会回到这里，告诉你的敌人，他们可以夺走我们的生命，但他们永远不会走我们的自由！

我们还年轻，我认为世界是一个大舞台，我们采取的阶段，我们必须尽我们所能向我们展示了不管发生了什么，是的，每个人都会死，但不是每个人都真正活

过。你真的生活，或你willdie独自一人在你生命终结的..所以现在，请donnot等待，，请donnot浪费了宝贵的时间。

请打你的梦想，请订购你的理想，你的心脏底部，请大声呼喊“自由”。

关于自由的英语演讲稿 [篇2]

mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:

i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the states-ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.

that determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.

except in the maximilian interlude in mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

even when the world war broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.

the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

during sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,” i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere-yes, many times over.

in times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

no realistic american can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.

i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warf-are could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nation win this war.

there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger exists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe-particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.

the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes-and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america.

as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility-great accountability.

the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost exclusively-to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

our national policy is this:

first, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people"s freedom.

in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases-and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today"s best is not good enough for tomorrow.

i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

to give you two illustrations:

we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.

we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

let us say to the democracies: "we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. this is our purpose and our pledge."

in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

and when the dictators-if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation"s hands must not be tied when the nation"s life is in danger.

yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.

a free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.

the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

the basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are si-mp-le. they are:

equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

jobs for those who can work.

security for those who need it.

the ending of special privilege for the few.

the preservation of civil liberties for all.

the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

these are the si-mp-le, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. the inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.

many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as examples:

we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

the first is freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in the world.

the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way everywhere in the world.

the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.

the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.

to that high concept there can be no end save victory.

关于自由的英语演讲稿 [篇3]

i want be free

good afternoon,everyone.today,my topic is “i want to be free.”it’s a story about a wolf and a dog.

a wolf was almost dead with hunger.a house-dog saw him,and asked,”friend,it’s bad for you.”

“why don’t you work steadily as i do,and get your food regularly?” “i would have no objection.”said the wolf,”if i could only get a place.” “i will help you.”said the dog.”come with me to my master,and you shall share me work ”

so the wolf and the dog went to the town together.

on the way ,the wolf saw that there was no hair around the dog’neck. he felt quite surprised,and asked him why it was like that? “oh,it is nothing.”said the dog.”every night my master puts a collar around my neck and chains me up.you will soon get used to it.”

“is that the only reason.”said the wolf.”then good bye to you,my friend.i would like to be free.”

do you like to be free?every.thank you for listening.

我想要自由

大家好，今天，我的主题是“我想自由”，这是关于一只狼和一只狗的故事。

一只狼差点饿死了，一只狗看见了他，问道：“朋友，这对你不好。”

“你为什么不象我那样工作，经常吃你的食物呢？“我不反对，”狼说，“如果我能得到一个地方，我会帮助你的。”狗说，“跟我一起去我的主人，你将分享我的工作。”

于是，狼和狗一起去了镇上。

在路上，狼看见周围有dog"neck没有头发。他感到很惊讶，问他为什么会这样？“哦，那是什么也没有。”狗说。“我的主人每天晚上都把我的脖子和链子拴起来，你很快就会习惯了。”

“那是唯一的原因，”狼说，“那好吧，再见，我的朋友，我想是自由的。”

你喜欢自由吗？每一个，谢谢你的聆听。

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